ࡱ> IKH ?bjbj33 7LQ_Q_6&8 8 829NN"pppp:$ppppxxxppxxxxn(- x 09xa xa xa x,xx9a 8 X : Term 2 Week 9 Ball Ch 15 A person who has not been in the slave-holding states, can never fully understand the bonds that hold society together there, or appreciate the rules which prescribe the boundaries of the pretensions of the several orders of men who compose the body politic of those communities; and after all that I have written, and all that I shall write, in this book, the reader who has never resided south of the Potomac, will never be able to perceive things precisely as they present themselves to my vision, or to comprehend the spirit that prevails in a country, where the population is divided into three separate classes. Those will fall into great error, who shall imagine that in Carolina and Georgia there are but two orders of men; and that the artificial distinctions of society have only classified the people into white and black, freemen and slaves. It is true, that the distinctions of colour are the most obvious, and present themselves more readily than any others to the inspection of a stranger; but he who will take time to examine into the fundamental organization of society, in the cotton planting region, will easily discover that there is a third order of men located there, little known to the world, but who, nevertheless, hold a separate station, occupying a place of their own, and who do not come into direct contrast with either the master or the slave. The white man, who has no property, no possession, and no education, is, in Carolina, in a condition no better than that to which the slave has been reduced; except only that he is master of his own person, and of his own time, and may, if he chooses, emigrate and transfer himself to a country where he can better his circumstances, whilst the slave is bound, by invisible chains, to the plantation on which his master may think proper to place him. In my opinion, there is no order of men in any part of the United States, with which I have any acquaintance, who are in a more debased and humiliated state of moral servitude, than are those white people who inhabit that part of the southern country, where the landed property is all, or nearly all, held by the great planters. Many of these white people live in wretched cabins, not half so good as the houses which judicious planters provide for their slaves. Some of these cabins of the white men are made of mere sticks, or small poles notched, or rather thatched together, and filled in with mud, mixed with the leaves, or shats , as they are termed, of the pine tree. Some fix their residence far in the pine forest, and gain a scanty subsistence by notching the trees and gathering the turpentine; others are seated upon some poor, and worthless point of land, near the margin of a river, or creek, and draw a precarious livelihood from the water, and the badly cultivated garden that surrounds, or adjoins the dwelling. These people do not occupy the place held in the north by the respectable and useful class of day labourers, who constitute so considerable a portion of the numerical population of the country. In the south, these white cottagers are never employed to work on the plantations for wages. Two things forbid this. The white man, however poor and necessitous he may be, is too proud to go to work in the same field with the negro slaves by his side; and the owner of the slaves is not willing to permit white men, of the lowest order, to come amongst them, lest the morals of the negroes should be corrupted, and illicit traffic should be carried on, to the detriment of the master. The slaves generally believe, that however miserable they may be, in their servile station, it is nevertheless preferable to the degraded existence of these poor white people. This sentiment is cherished by the slaves, and encouraged by their masters, who fancy that they subserve their own interests in promoting an opinion amongst the negroes, that they are better off in the world than are many white persons, who are free, and have to submit to the burthen of taking care of, and providing for themselves. I never could learn nor understand how, or by what means, these poor cottagers came to be settled in Carolina. They are a separate and distinct race of men from the planters, and appear to have nothing in common with them. If it were possible for any people to occupy a grade in human society below that of the slaves, on the cotton plantations, certainly the station would be filled by these white families, who cannot be said to possess any thing in the shape of property. The contempt in which they are held, and the contumely with which they are treated, by the great planters, to be comprehended, must be seen. These observations are applicable in their fullest extent, only to the lower parts of Georgia and Carolina, and to country places. In the upper country, where slaves are not so numerous, and where less of cotton and more of grain is cultivated, there is not so great a difference between the white man, who holds slaves and a plantation, and another white man who has neither slaves nor plantation. In the towns, also, more especially in Charleston and Savannah, where the number of white men who have no slaves is very great, they are able, from their very numbers, to constitute a moral force sufficiently powerful to give them some degree of weight in the community. Source: Charles Ball, Fifty Years in Chains (New York, 1837) KEMBLE I saw an advertisement this morning in the paper, which occasioned me much thought. Mr. J C and a Mr. N, two planters of this neighbourhood, have contracted to dig a canal, called the Brunswick canal, and not having hands enough for the work, advertise at the same time for negroes on hires and for Irish labourers. Now the Irishmen are to have twenty dollars a month wages, and to be 'found' (to use the technical phrase,) which finding means abundant food, and the best accommodations which can be procured for them. The negroes are hired from their masters, who will be paid of course as high a price as they can obtain for themprobably a very high one, as the demand for them is urgentthey, in the meantime, receiving no wages, and nothing more than the miserable negro fare of rice and corn grits. Of course the Irishmen and these slaves are not allowed to work together, but are kept at separate stations on the canal. This is every way politic, for the low Irish seem to have the same sort of hatred of negroes which sects, differing but little in their tenets, have for each other. The fact is, that a condition in their own country nearly similar, has made the poor Irish almost as degraded a class of beings as the negroes are here, and their insolence towards them, and hatred of them, are precisely in proportion to the resemblance between them. Now you must not suppose that these same Irish free labourers and negro slaves will be permitted to work together at this Brunswick Canal. They say that this would be utterly impossible; for why?there would be tumults, and risings, and broken heads, and bloody bones, and all the natural results of Irish intercommunion with their fellow creatures, no doubtperhaps even a little more riot and violence than merely comports with their usual habits of Milesian good fellowship; for, say the masters, the Irish hate the negroes more even than the Americans do, and there would be no bound to their murderous animosity if they were brought in contact with them on the same portion of the works of the Brunswick Canal. Doubtless there is some truth in thisthe Irish labourers who might come hither, would be apt enough, according to a universal moral law, to visit upon others the injuries they had received from others. They have been oppressed enough themselves, to be oppressive whenever they have a chance; and the despised and degraded condition of the blacks, presenting to them a very ugly resemblance of their own home, circumstances naturally excite in them the exercise of the disgust and contempt of which they themselves are very habitually the objects; and that such circular distribution of wrongs may not only be pleasant, but have something like the air of retributive right to very ignorant folks, is not much to be wondered at. Certain is the fact, however, that the worst of all tyrants is the one who has been a slave; and for that matter (and I wonder if the southern slaveholders hear it with the same ear that I do, and ponder it with the same mind?) the command of one slave to another is altogether the most uncompromising utterance of insolent truculent despotism that it ever fell to my lot to witness or listen to. 'You niggerI say, you black nigger,you no hear me call youwhat for you no run quick?' All this, dear E, is certainly reasonably in favour of division of labour on the Brunswick Canal; but the Irish are not only quarrelers, and rioters, and fighters, and drinkers, and despisers of niggersthey are a passionate, impulsive, warm-hearted, generous people, much given to powerful indignations, which break out suddenly when they are not compelled to smoulder sullenlypestilent sympathisers too, and with a sufficient dose of American atmospheric air in their lungs, properly mixed with a right proportion of ardent spirits, there is no saying but what they might actually take to sympathy with the slaves, and I leave you to judge of the possible consequences. You perceive, I am sure, that they can by no means be allowed to work together on the Brunswick Canal. Source: Frances Anne Kemble, Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation in 1838-9 (London , 1861) Retreat Plantation Records (Savannah, Ga.) Plantation Journal written by overseer William Hoffmann. Sat. 28th April 1838 "foldg Grace this day for covering corn bad, then flodg her a second time for insolence, which Mr. Kollock [owner] did not seem to like, when the owner takes the part of the negro against the overseer, who to forward the entrust of the owner it never fails to bring Mr. dont care for the place, and ruin the negroes, & make the overseer a bankrupt. The reason that existed Mr Kollock's dislike to Grace's flodging was an accidental cutt clost her eye, which he, Mr Kollock, thought was don through temper or intentionally." [sic] Tuesday 12th June 1838 "Hanner, a wench of Houstoun's, & myself had some altercation on Sunday the 10th inst, in which she used violence towards my person for which I stuck her in the face 3 or 4 times with my fist, for which she ranaway and returned on Tuesday morning with a letter of pardon under the protection of her master Houstoun, who dont ought to own a negro". Source: Kollock Plantation Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Grimball Diary, Oct 17th 1832 'Negro property is certainly the most troublesome in the world. This morning Richard, the driver at Slann's Island made his appearance. It seems from his story, that McKendree was exceedingly angry at the receipt of my last letter and accusing Richard of sending me all the news of the plantation - broke him and made Robin driver - and gave him reason to believe that he would punsih him further. He tells me, what I can scarcely credit, but which id true is a most impudently dishonest thing on the part of McKendree, to wit: That McK's negroes to the number of five, have during the whole summer taken out of my corn house regularly every week, and he brought me a stick with the number of bushels notched upon it. The quantity they have used is 25 bushels up to this day. I shall send him back tomorrow and have written the following to McK to go by him- "Sir, Richard came to me this morning with a complaint. When I go into the country his conduct will be examined and if he requires it he shall be punished. He tells me you have broken him, and made robin driver. Now although Richard is far from giving me satisfaction as Driver yet the right of making and displacing driver is one which no one has liberty to exercise without my permission, and as that permission has not been given to you, I am surprised at you doing so in the present instance. I'll thank you to put his back into his office as soon as you receive this. As Richard will be examined when I go up he is not to be punished for this offense. Yr etc."' Oct 20th 1832 'Mr McKendree came to town last evening and in a full and long conversation has entirely satisfied me that the charges laid against him by Richard are untrue. He has never given his own Negroes a grain of the plantation corn - nor has his brother fed his horse out of my corn and fodder house. I told him that I was satisfied that he had been belied and that for his satisfaction I would examine into the matter thoroughly when I went up and if Richard were found guilty, of which I have myself no doubt, he should be severely punished. The poor man is wasted to a shadow and says he is in constant misery from rheumatism. This is the first attempt he has made since his late illness. his coming down under such bodily pains, showed a sensibility to character, which went far to convince me that he was not capable of what he was accused. He seemed to feel the charge accutely, and several times I thought his eyes filled with tears. We parted, I believe mutually better satisfied..... Mr McKendree said that his health is so bad that the Dr has advised him to go into a more healthy country, if he would save his life, which is seriously threatened by consumption, and will give up my business at the end of the year. He said that besides this obligation to take care of his life, he is conscious that in his present condition he cannot do justice to his employers. His present plan is to go to Georgia....I advanced him 10 dollars, which he said he would need if he went [to] Waterborough on the 5th Nov. to attend as juryman & witness, being summoned for both purposes.' Source: Diary of J.B.Grimball, 1832-33 Charleston Library Society, Charleston, South Carolina.     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